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Trump-Putin Alaska Summit: History Won’t Be Kind

President Donald Trump and Russian president Vladimir Putin walk on the tarmac at Joint Base Elmendorf Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, Friday, August 15, 2025. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)
President Donald Trump and Russian president Vladimir Putin walk on the tarmac at Joint Base Elmendorf Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, Friday, August 15, 2025. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

PUBLISHED ON August 16, 2025, 4:25 PM EDT – Key Points and Summary: The Trump-Putin summit in Alaska was a masterclass in political theater that accomplished nothing of substance, argues this analysis.

Key Point #2 – The meeting, which excluded Ukraine and its European allies, was a propaganda victory for Vladimir Putin, who gained the optics of restored global legitimacy.

Key Point #3 – For President Trump, it was an opportunity for self-serving grandstanding about making “great progress” where none existed.

The Alaska Summit: A Predictable Outcome 

“Whenever an official announces that negotiations have been helpful, one may be certain that nothing of substance was accomplished.” This adage from the Canadian economist and public intellectual John Kenneth Galbraith could be the one-liner needed to sum up the outcome of the recently completed Trump–Putin summit in Anchorage.

After months of buildup and choreography, spats and speculation, the in-person meeting neither softened the animosity between Washington and Moscow nor in any way advanced the cause of peace in Ukraine. Both Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump were happy to call the discussions “productive” and “constructive,” but the only way in which Anchorage was either of these was in the Galbraithian sense of “helpful”—that is, as a pretext for self-interested grandstanding that accomplished virtually nothing of geopolitical value.

In grandstanding terms, President Putin gained the optics of restored global legitimacy and great power status, while President Trump was afforded the opportunity to spout politically self-serving declaratiions of “great progress.”

In geopolitical terms, however, while sold as a “turning point” in Russian-American relations—with similarly transformative consequences for the Russia-Ukraine war—the summit accomplished nothing.

For Trump…

The expectations that Trump himself had raised before the meeting were, perhaps predictably, wildly overblown. Trump had promised to use the summit to extract a ceasefire “today.” He had inflated the significance of his own role, casting himself as the indispensable man who could bend the course of the war – and thus world history – to his will. Alaska itself was freighted with symbolism: the northernmost state, with Russia visible across the Bering Strait, served as a message of both proximity and intent.

Optimistic commentators speculated about a range of possible positive outcomes for Anchorage, from a “roadmap” for ceasefire to “security guarantees” for Kyiv to the faintest stirrings of a reset in U.S.-Russia relations.

Among the more pessimistic, it was openly feared that Washington was prepared to trade away Ukrainian sovereignty on the altar of expediency.

Either way, expectations that the summit would mark a turning point were nearly ubiquitous.

For Putin…

The reality, of course, turned out to be anticlimactic—at least in terms of the prevailing geopolitical expectations.

Putin did not attend the summit in order to negotiate the surrender of occupied territory, a temporary ceasefire, or even to engage in a serious negotiating process. Instead, he attended in order to enjoy what he anticipated would be both the literal and metaphorical red-carpet treatment he would be afforded by President Trump.

This, Putin fully grasped before boarding his flight to Anchorage, would be a propaganda gift for Russia – a gift that would theatrically transform his country in the eyes of many from an isolated and menacing pariah state into a respected and indispensable global power.

Trump, in contrast, offered nothing but pieties, trotting out the same shopworn slogans about “progress,” “making headway,” and a willingness to “do a deal” that he had repeated endlessly in the run-up to the summit, but manifestly failed to put into practice during the summit. For the American president, this truly was an anticlimactic moment – one in which, as Galbraith put it, “nothing of substance was accomplished.”

For Ukraine…

Volodymyr Zelensky was predictably incensed by the entire fiasco. He had argued in advance that no summit concerning Ukraine’s future could be legitimate unless Ukraine were at the table.

The summit was thus, from Kyiv’s perspective, never part of a process intended to secure a permanent peace – or even a temporary ceasefire – on mutually acceptable terms.

Instead, it was viewed as a finely choreographed pageant that would, in the end, only strengthen the aggressor.

Zelensky’s reaction to the entire summit process was thus barbed and direct: Ukraine’s sovereignty, he maintained, would never be a bargaining chip at a table where Ukraine did not have a seat

. A process that excluded Kyiv, he maintained, could never produce a just peace. Indeed, such a process, on Zelensky’s view, could only advance Moscow’s agenda and is a threat to the very principles at stake in the war.

For Europe…

European leaders shared this analysis. From Berlin to Warsaw to Brussels, officials in European capitals made clear that Russia cannot be allowed a veto over Ukraine’s future, whether when it comes to NATO membership or security guarantees. They paid ritual obeisance to the principle of dialogue but also made clear that the summit had strengthened Putin’s position without compelling him to change course.

European capitals took from Anchorage the blunt lesson that their security cannot be anchored in Trump’s grandstanding but only in Europe’s own power and resolve. At the same time, European capitals stopped short of ruling out further diplomacy, provided that Ukraine is at the table.

Was This Summit a Failure? No, But…

It would be tempting to call Anchorage a complete failure. It is important to resist this impulse, even at the risk of soft-pedaling the negative. At best, the meeting may have de-escalated the temperature in U.S.–Russia relations a degree or two and may, conceivably, have opened the door to a more inclusive process at some point in the future.

A summit at which Trump, Putin, and Zelensky met would, in theory, be able to take a step closer to implementation, even if it is only to secure a temporary pause in the fighting.

No one should imagine that such a meeting would reconcile the two opposed visions of Ukraine’s future that reside in Moscow and Kyiv. But it might at least put the bloodshed on hold for a while. Trump hinted at this possibility in his closing remarks, even suggesting that Anchorage could create the basis for a trilateral summit with a narrowly defined focus on a ceasefire.

Closer to Ending the Ukraine war?

Even that quite modest goal, however, will probably turn out to be out of reach. In the post-summit press conference, Trump spoke of “progress” toward ending the war. But such assertions were closer to political theater than an honest assessment of the talks. Neither Moscow nor Kyiv is prepared to accept a ceasefire that does not advance their core demands.

Putin has made it clear that he will not endorse any deal—temporary or permanent—that returns Ukrainian sovereignty over territories claimed by Russia. Zelensky has been equally clear that no ceasefire that leaves Russian forces in occupation is acceptable to Kyiv.

These were the positions going into Anchorage, and they did not change during the talks.

These are entrenched positions in Moscow and Kyiv that could not have been overcome by Trump and Zelensky in Anchorage even if they had wanted to. Trump, if he were honest with himself, would have recognized as much.

The Ukraine War: What Happens Now? 

The larger lesson for the United States and its allies is harsh. Diplomacy as theater is no substitute for diplomacy as strategy. To host Putin at this moment without exacting any meaningful concessions was to project weakness rather than strength.

For European capitals watching closely, Anchorage confirmed their doubts about Trump: when it comes to protecting European security, he lacks both the will and the ability. For Zelensky, Anchorage reinforced the principle that Ukraine must have the right to speak for itself and that any negotiation process that does not include Kyiv is illegitimate from the outset. The notion that Anchorage could have been described as “constructive” was, from the standpoint of Kyiv, sheer folly.

Galbraith’s aphorism has staying power because it captures such episodes so clearly and powerfully. Anchorage was “constructive,” which in practice meant it was helpful in Putin’s propaganda and, perhaps, for Trump’s self-portrayal as a leader who is at least willing to try. However, what is helpful in the protagonists is not the same as what is useful in international politics. It is not the same as an actual ceasefire, substantive negotiation, or recalibration of U.S.–Russia relations.

At best, Anchorage has opened a faint possibility of a future trilateral meeting. More realistically, it will be remembered as the moment when extravagant promises gave way to posturing when the opportunity to take even the smallest step toward peace was squandered.

When Galbraith’s maxim was once again proved incontestably true: when leaders say their talks were “useful,” the world can be certain that nothing of consequence was achieved.

About the Author: Dr. Andrew Latham

Andrew Latham is a non-resident fellow at Defense Priorities and a professor of international relations and political theory at Macalester College in Saint Paul, MN. You can follow him on X: @aakatham. He writes a daily column for National Security Journal.

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Andrew Latham
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Andrew Latham is a professor of International Relations at Macalester College specializing in the politics of international conflict and security. He teaches courses on international security, Chinese foreign policy, war and peace in the Middle East, Regional Security in the Indo-Pacific Region, and the World Wars.

6 Comments

6 Comments

  1. bish-bish

    August 16, 2025 at 5:52 pm

    The aug 15 2025 summit would be regarded as a high success, a good story, and a good parting when compared to zelenskyy’s feb 28 2025 meeting with trump (& vance) in the US white house.

    The great danger or BIG WORRY now is, will trump do a yo-yo next week after a harangue by zelenskyy and those EU leaders.

    Trump lately has been quite famous for his yo-yoing.

    Thus, russia must now very quickly, very lightningly quick to rout the nazis and send them scurrying to the safety of western ukraine.

    Otherwise, otherwise, otherwise…we could see trump sending more missiles, more tanks, more ammo, more ATACMS to the nazis.

    If the current fighting in donbass stretches to end 2025.

    Putin cannot afford to waste anymore time. He MUST think of the enormous sacrifices already made by the russian army. So far. Now is the moment to crush the nazis.

  2. Zhduny

    August 16, 2025 at 6:27 pm

    Vladimir putin today is old, aged, and likely to suffer from some form of mild cognitive decline, and therefore may not be aware of the massive danger confronting russia now.

    What’s that danger.

    The nazis are far from finished. Far from defeated.

    Even if putin succeeds in smashing the various nazis fester platz in donetsk, there’s no guarantee herr zelenskyy is ready to sue for peace.

    Thus putin must find some way to force zelenskyy to his knees.

    During ww2, america had the US 8th air force available to pummel the nazis, but today, putin has no such equivalent.

    Putin’s arsenal of hazels and mapels and oaks is too small to make a dent or difference.

    Thus putin must watch and observe carefully.

    Once a large batch of western weaponry is detected arriving in ukraine, he MUST hurl a tactical nuke against the drop.

    That’s the only way to force zelenskky to sue for peace.

    The fighting must end this year.

  3. Swamplaw Yankee

    August 16, 2025 at 11:31 pm

    Wow: the vaccuum salesman for Yankee air power re-appears. But, who in the peer readers even dreamed that he woulde stop his hacking.

    The language of the OP-ed is terrible wrong. There is NO, zip WAR. There is the 2014 re-start of the ancient 1000 year old ethic russkie psychological need to GenOcide and mass abduct Ukrainians.

    The front line inside Ukraine is where Putin’s “Little green groomers” military mass abducts, since 2014, Little Ukrainian Children for “filtering” into Putin’s world famous “Lolita” package deals.

    Back in 2014, the POTUS Obama’s Democrat Cabal unilaterally greenlighted this genocide re-start of Ukrainians. Of course, the USA MSM records show that not a single Democrat Elite even “pooped” a peep to stop the Obama greenlighted Filtering of Children into “Lolita” Packages.

    In 2014, the best “Lolita” packages were examined by SHOULDER RUBBING Jeffery Epstein, as not a single POTUS Obama Democrat Cabalnik dared to attempt to expose Obama’s greenlighting.

    The peer reader is welcome to submit the 2014 USA MSM outcry as Democrats, Obama and Epstein all had dipped deep into the lake of moral turpitude for a long, long underwater swim. Mass abduction of Ukraine’s Little children for filtering was never a “problem” for POTUS Obama and/or his complete White House + USA Agency Cabal! Even 11 years later, no Democrat has ever dared to expose the Obama moral turpitude as they fight viciously in 2025 to link Trump to the same no-need to worry about “Lolita” packages in any White House staff regime. -30-

  4. doyle-2

    August 17, 2025 at 6:10 am

    Russia must be ready for a total trumpist lightning about-turn, which could happen once the ukro nazi leader and the euro proto-nazist cohort descend on washington this coming monday.

    (This monday aug 18 2025 or just over 24 hours from now.)

    The nazis must exit donbass, and cease laying claim to crimea, and agree to a stout fence being permanently built to separate the frontline and no NATO troops in the area.

    But the nazis and their backers are unlikely to ever agree, and so, WHAT TO DO.

    Russia MUST resort to use of nukes, to force the damned nazis to buckle under, and to warn off the euro proto-nazis.

    What if trump suddenly decides to side with them.

    KULL THE CHICKEN TO SCARE THE Big APE MONKEY. One RS-12M2 against Taipei should do the trick.

  5. James Galbraith

    August 17, 2025 at 1:05 pm

    My father had another adage, more appropriate to this occasion: that politics is art of choosing between the unpalatable and the disastrous.

    In this case, disaster was coming quickly — and it’s in that light that the Anchorage meeting may be judged.

  6. Commentar

    August 18, 2025 at 7:40 am

    The summit between trump and Putin on 15 august 2025 would be viewed by future historians as a minor yet still very important step in avoiding ww3 in Europe.

    However, zelenskyy and the euro proto-fascist group are viewed as keen to keep on fighting.

    Fighting, fighting for what.

    Remember, Russia is a nuclear power. Don’t mess with Russia.

    Who said that.

    Dutch admiral rob Bauer.

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