Key Points and Summary – Amid rising threats from a nuclear-armed North Korea and an assertive China, the U.S. should resume combat patrols on the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ).
-This proposal argues for embedding rotational U.S. infantry units directly with South Korean forces on the front line.
-Such a move would not be an escalation but a powerful reaffirmation of the U.S.-ROK alliance, providing invaluable real-world training and sending an unambiguous signal of resolve to Pyongyang and Beijing.
-By putting American boots back on the DMZ, the U.S. can reinvigorate its “tripwire” deterrence and restore a tangible symbol of its commitment to regional security.
Back to the Line: Rotational US Infantry Patrols on the DMZ to Signal Strength, Solidarity, and Strategic Readiness
Introduction
For nearly four decades, American infantrymen stood watch on the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), a volatile front line between democracy and tyranny. Until early 1991, the US 2nd Infantry Division conducted regular combat patrols in the American sector of the DMZ, demonstrating unambiguous resolve against North Korean aggression.
That direct presence quietly ended, but the threat from the North has not. Today, with renewed tensions, a rising Chinese challenge, and a more aggressive Kim regime, the time has come to reintroduce US combat forces to patrol the DMZ, not to escalate tensions, but to reinforce deterrence, demonstrate alliance cohesion, and restore a powerful symbol of American commitment and strategic credibility.
The US infantry brigade combat team (IBCT) presence should receive the additional mission to conduct direct combat patrolling on the DMZ under the tactical control (TACON) of the Republic of Korea (ROK) units. The initiative would not revive a separate “US sector” but instead embed US forces in ROK areas of operation.
This approach enhances interoperability, builds mutual trust, and provides unmatched training in combat patrolling. It will also serve as a visible and visceral signal to Pyongyang and Beijing that the United States stands shoulder to shoulder with its South Korean ally, both literally and figuratively.
A Forgotten Mission with Enduring Relevance
From the Korean War armistice in 1953 through the early 1990s, US forces maintained a forward presence on the DMZ, handling observation posts and conducting regular combat patrols. These patrols were not symbolic.
They were a critical component of tripwire deterrence, monitoring North Korean activity and deterring infiltration or surprise attack. They also fostered tactical proficiency, bolstered morale, and made it clear to adversaries that the United States was physically committed to the defense of South Korea.
The withdrawal of US patrols from the DMZ coincided with broader force reductions, a shift toward strategic flexibility, and a belief that deterrence could be maintained through less direct means. While these changes reflected the geopolitical conditions of the 1990s, the security environment has undergone a fundamental shift today. North Korea is a nuclear-armed state with enhanced conventional capabilities. Kim Jong Un has adopted an openly hostile posture toward the South, renounced peaceful reunification, and intensified military provocations. The ROK/US alliance must adapt and visibly reaffirm its commitment.
A New Rotational Model for Strategic Impact
This proposal envisions a structured, rotational deployment of US IBCTs to South Korea in which a portion of the brigade is dedicated to patrolling the DMZ. Each nine-month rotation would be divided into three distinct phases:
Phase 1 – Pre-Patrol Training (3 Months): Units would conduct specialized training focused on DMZ operations, combined procedures for ROK and US forces, terrain familiarization, rules of engagement, and tactical patrol drills. This training could take place at the Rodriguez Live Fire Complex and Warrior Base, utilizing Korea-specific scenarios.
Phase 2 – DMZ Combat Patrols (3 Months): US infantry companies would be placed under the TACON of ROK divisions and battalions responsible for DMZ security. They would conduct combined patrols with ROK units in ROK sectors, observing North Korean positions, deterring infiltration, and building trust through shared risk and responsibility.
Phase 3 – Post-Patrol Collective Training (3 Months): Following patrol operations, units shift their focus to battalion- and brigade-level combined training exercises, reinforcing lessons learned and enhancing high-end warfighting capabilities. This phase would be the capstone of the rotation, enhancing readiness across the spectrum of conflict.
The concept can also be employed if the decision is made to return to permanently assigned US infantry units in Korea.
Strategic Benefits
Strengthened Deterrence and Resolve
There is no clearer message to Pyongyang than the sight of US infantry shoulder-to-shoulder with South Korean soldiers physically facing North Korean troops across the Military Demarcation Line. This presence would reinvigorate deterrence through active operations, demonstrating not only capabilities but also the political will to fight if necessary. It would remind adversaries that US commitments under the Mutual Defense Treaty are not abstract; they are embodied in young American soldiers standing post in harm’s way.
Enhanced Interoperability and Combined Capability
Embedding US forces within ROK formations on the DMZ would foster deep integration at the tactical level, where real warfighting cohesion must be forged. Through shared patrols, mutual support, and combined command relationships, the two forces would build a level of interoperability that cannot be replicated in simulation or exercises alone.
Elite Combat Training in a Real-World Environment
DMZ patrolling offers uniquely challenging small-unit operations, terrain navigation, stealthy movement, observation discipline, and combat operations in accordance with established rules of engagement. These are invaluable experiences for US infantry units. Rather than repetitive rotations that focus solely on garrison and rear-area training, this model would provide meaningful, mission-driven combat readiness in a real-world setting.
Elevated Morale and Warrior Ethos
There is no substitute for the psychological edge gained by staring down an adversary across a live front line. US soldiers conducting DMZ patrols would be infused with a sense of purpose and pride that only such a mission can generate. The patrolling experience would shape careers, forge unit cohesion, and reinforce a warrior ethos grounded in the defense of freedom.
Strategic Signaling to Regional Allies and Rivals
The return of US combat patrols to the DMZ would be noted far beyond Korea. It would reassure allies across the Asia-Indo-Pacific that the United States is not retreating from the front lines of democracy. It would underscore that rotational forces are not merely training expeditions; they are forward-deployed instruments of strategy. And it would signal to China that the US is willing to engage with a forward presence, not just over-the-horizon power projection.
Operational Considerations
Command and Control: US units would remain under US operational control (OPCON), but would be placed under TACON to ROK division or corps-level commands for day-to-day patrol coordination, enabling seamless integration while preserving US command
Rules of Engagement: US patrols would operate under established ROE harmonized with ROK procedures and consistent with the Armistice Agreement and US and ROK policies. Engagement authority would be clearly defined and mutually agreed upon.
Infrastructure and Support: Existing US installations near the DMZ, such as Camp Casey and Camp Bonifas, could provide logistical support for patrolling units. No new bases would be required.
Conclusion: Reclaim the Front Line
The return of US infantry patrols to the Korean DMZ would be more than a military adjustment. It would be a bold statement of shared sacrifice, readiness, and an unshakable alliance. It would reconnect today’s force to a legacy of courage and vigilance.
And it would remind North Korea and the world that the United States does not deter from afar, but by standing with its allies at the point of contact.
It is time to put American boots back on the line.
About the Author: David Maxwell
David Maxwell is a retired US Army Special Forces Colonel who has spent more than 30 years in the Asia Pacific region (primarily Korea, Japan, and the Philippines) as a practitioner, specializing in Northeast Asian Security Affairs and irregular, unconventional, and political warfare. He is the Vice President of the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy and a Senior Fellow at the Global Peace Foundation (where he focuses on a free and unified Korea). He is a member of the board of directors of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, The International Council on Korean Studies, and the OSS Society, and on the board of advisers of Spirit of America and the Special Operations Association of America, and is the editor-at -large at Small Wars Journal. You can follow him on X: @DavidMaxwell161.
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403Forbidden
July 15, 2025 at 12:27 pm
Americans have no business dictating the lives of people on the Korean peninsula.
Unless they want their country to become the Babylon whose final fate or outcome has been predicted in revelation chp 18.
Americans have made a big mess virtually everywhere they have been, and Korea is no exception.
The people of Korea suffered extremely terribly when Americans were there, like in no gun ri. July 1950.
Americans then referred to the Koreans as gooks.
Today Americans are in Okinawa, and neither the Okinawans nor the jap govt in Tokyo are able to get rid of them.
To hell with Americans.
Just take a look at Gaza today.
Jim
July 15, 2025 at 2:07 pm
From a purely military point of view rotational deployment keeps troops sharp & alert, intent on the mission at hand.
That’s an issue, here.
But there are political considerations as well.
Given everything, one would consider policies to reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula instead of policies to increase tensions.
But you say North Korea is driving the tension, but it takes two to tango.
Trump spoke to North Korea’s leader in his first term. He could do so again, this term.
Not for a grand bargain… that won’t happen, but improved relations… what’s wrong with that?
North Korea is a tough customer, we don’t like them, and they’re extremely dangerous with their nukes and all.
But for all concerned, better relations on the Korean Peninsula is a positive not a negative.
But what do we hear from certain quarters, “Raise the tension, force the issue.”
That’s a foreign policy blunder.
How many blunders can America take?
From the same people, over and over again.
I’m sick of it.