Volodymyr Zelensky Must Avoid Become a Political Pawn

Make no mistake: Ukraine is right. Russia’s aggression toward its southern neighbor had nothing to do with NATO expansion nor grievances at the post-Cold War order. None other than Russian President Vladimir Putin made this clear seven months before he launched his war of annihilation in an article published on the presidency’s website detailing historical arguments about why Ukraine, in its entirety, was an integral part of Russia. All of Putin’s subsequent arguments about NATO expansion and alleged Ukrainian fascism against the backdrop of the actual invasion were simply cynical hooks to justify mass murder. Here, the best analogy is to Al Qaeda founder Usama Bin Laden’s speeches and videos: The core ideology was what mattered. The immediate grievance he might cite on one video or another was merely to have a news hook or to activate useful idiots who always blame the victim first.

Being right, however, does not always equate with diplomatic savvy or understanding Washington. By meeting Vice President Kamala Harris at the height of a presidential campaign and then visiting an arms factory in Biden’s birthplace, Scranton, Pennsylvania, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stirs up a hornet’s nest.

In effect, he repeats the mistakes of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Like Ukraine, Israel’s cause is right. It is a frontline state in the battle for the liberal order and it faces an existential threat. This should be obvious. The Hamas Covenant endorses genocide. In 2002, Hassan Nasrallah, the secretary-general of Hezbollah, told the Daily Star, “if they [Jews] all gather in Israel, it will save us the trouble of going after them worldwide.”

For reasons beyond his control, however, progressives personalized policy. They subordinated Israel’s righteous fight to their hatred of Netanyahu. He became a lightning rod. His willingness to take victory laps with Congressional Republicans infuriated a broader array of Democrats who came to approach Israel’s democratically elected leader with irrational hatred. Perhaps the feeling was mutual, but Netanyahu’s tendency to poke Democrats in the eye served neither his cause nor Israel’s. Personalizing the conflict actually made it more difficult to get the right things through Congress or to be sure that, should party control change, consistent policy would prevail.

It is crucial to support a free Ukraine with whatever weaponry it needs and without preconditions on its use. Until Russia withdraws from every inch of Ukrainian territory, including Crimea, every inch of Russian territory should be fair game for Ukrainian drones, missiles, and infantry. Those areas of Ukraine not under Russian occupation should also join NATO, much as West Germany did during the Cold War, even as Russian troops and their proxies occupied East Germany. It is bad enough Donald Trump’s team politicized Ukraine during his presidency. With polarization so high during election season, Zelensky would have been better off holding no meetings than wading into a Washington fight.

Harris may pivot toward the center and hide from the press to avoid interrogation about her record, but some among her progressive base see Israel’s existence on the ballot on November 5, 2024. Ukraine’s existence could also be given the irrational hatred some Republicans now harbor toward Zelensky.

The goal of both Netanyahu and Zelensky should be to repair the partisan fabric to make their cause truly bipartisan. No matter who wins in November, Zelensky may rue this day. Trump will prioritize revenge above the national interest but, even if Harris wins, the gamble will backfire as the balance of power in Congress will likely be close enough that every Republican vote will count. Netanyahu’s brusqueness and arrogance may cost the Jewish state. Zelensky should not repeat his mistake.

Ukraine must win; the repercussions of Putin triumphing would be too significant to bear. Please, President Zelensky. That is the forest. Please stop playing the partisan trees.

About the Author: Dr. Michael Rubin

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum. A former Pentagon official, Dr. Rubin has lived in post-revolution Iran, Yemen, and pre-and postwar Iraq. He also spent time with the Taliban before 9/11. For over a decade, he taught classes at sea about the Horn of Africa and Middle East conflicts, culture, and terrorism to deployed US Navy and Marine units. Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics. The opinions and views expressed are his own.