Key Points – The recent US military strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities, touted by the Trump administration as a “one-off” action, has likely initiated a dangerous and predictable cycle of retaliation that will drag the US deeper into conflict.
-Iran’s response will not be a conventional war but a layered, asymmetric campaign of plausible deniability, using proxies like the Houthis and Hezbollah, cyberattacks, and disruption in the Strait of Hormuz to bleed US interests slowly.
-This places President Trump, who ran on ending “forever wars,” in a strategic trap where each Iranian counter-move will demand a US response, creating a grinding, low-intensity conflict without a clear endgame.
The Iran Conflict Isn’t Over Yet
It began with the usual certainty. The bombs fell, the targets burned, and the White House declared the mission accomplished. Trump, back in command, told the American people this was a limited strike—a surgical response to Iran’s nuclear provocations, calibrated and contained. A one-off, not the beginning of a war.
But wars never begin that way. They begin like this: with illusions of control, with tidy phrases like “limited,” “decisive,” “restoring deterrence.” And always with the hope—more fantasy than strategy—that the other side won’t hit back. But Iran will. It already has.
Less than a day after American ordnance slammed into Iranian military and nuclear infrastructure, the Islamic Republic’s response machinery groaned into motion. Missiles were launched at Al Udeid in Qatar—a U.S. base housing thousands of American personnel. Though intercepted, the message was unmistakable: Iran would not sit still. It never does. This regime is not built for submission. It is built for defiance.
And this is only the beginning. Iran’s response will not be linear. It will be layered, deniable, and strategically calibrated to inflict pain without triggering full-scale retaliation. Expect Houthi drones over Saudi oil fields. Expect Shia militias in Iraq to bleed American positions, one roadside bomb at a time. Expect Hamas and Hezbollah to open new fronts in Gaza and southern Lebanon. Expect cyberattacks against American infrastructure. And yes, expect the Strait of Hormuz—the narrow passageway through which one-fifth of the world’s oil flows—to become the next flashpoint. Because for Iran, this isn’t just about revenge. It’s about leverage.
The tragedy is that none of this should surprise us. We’ve seen the playbook before. Bomb Iran, and it retaliates through proxies. Tighten the economic noose, and it lashes out at oil tankers and Gulf states. Kill its operatives, and it activates terror cells abroad. This is how the Islamic Republic wages war—not with tanks and fighter squadrons, but with patience, proxies, and plausible deniability.
Trump, of course, insists this was a discrete event. A warning shot. A reset of deterrence. But the uncomfortable truth is this: we’ve just stepped onto an escalator that only goes one way. The moment the first American is killed by an Iranian proxy—whether in Qatar, Iraq, or at sea—Washington will be forced to respond. Not because the strike was wrong, but because the logic of retaliation demands it.
And here’s where things get dangerous. Every act of American retaliation reinforces Iran’s belief that it must escalate or die. Every Iranian counterstrike reinforces the hawks in Washington who believe we must “finish the job.” The result is a slow, grinding slide into the very thing Trump has long promised to avoid: another forever war in the Middle East.
This, of course, is the central irony. Trump ran—and won—on a promise to end America’s military entanglements in the Islamic world. He rightly ridiculed the fantasy that democracy could be air-dropped into Mesopotamia or that nation-building in Afghanistan would yield anything but blood and failure. He brought troops home, pulled back from Syria, and talked constantly about putting “America first.”
And yet, here we are—one bombing campaign away from being dragged back into the desert sands, this time not in pursuit of regime change or liberal transformation, but of deterrence. And deterrence, unlike victory, is never final. It must be constantly maintained, constantly demonstrated. Which is another way of saying: once you commit to that path, you’re never off it.
The cold reality is that Iran doesn’t need to win on the battlefield to succeed. It just needs to survive. It knows that the American people have no appetite for another trillion-dollar war. It knows that our attention span is short, our tolerance for casualties even shorter. And it knows that the best way to frustrate Washington is not to fight conventionally, but to bleed us slowly—through endless, invisible war.
And this is where the real danger lies. The more we try to avoid a large-scale war, the more we risk becoming entangled in the long, low-intensity slog of counter-retaliation. A drone strike here, a cyberattack there, a proxy war in the shadows—each justified in the name of deterrence, none amounting to anything close to resolution.
Some will say the strike was necessary. And they’re not wrong. Iran was enriching uranium well beyond permitted levels. The IAEA reports made it clear: Fordow was being used not just for research but for preparation. For what, exactly, was anyone’s guess—but not a comforting one. Doing nothing would have invited greater danger. And yet, the timing and the scope of the response matter. Because once the first bombs drop, the constraints of grand strategy yield to the chaos of war logic.
Tehran Will Survive
And here’s the part no one wants to admit: the Islamic Republic will survive this. It has weathered war, assassination, sabotage, and sanctions. What it fears is not airstrikes, but revolution. And nothing rallies a revolutionary regime like an external enemy.
That’s the paradox. The more we punish Iran militarily, the more we risk reinforcing the very regime we hope to weaken. Already, the hardliners in Tehran are using the U.S. attack to crush dissent, to silence moderates, to remind the Iranian people that the West will never accept their sovereignty. And so the cycle deepens: bomb, retaliate, radicalize, repeat.
We can still choose another path. But it will require accepting that restraint is not weakness. That sometimes the smartest way to contain a threat is not to provoke it into a corner. That long-term strategy means living with uncomfortable realities rather than trying to erase them with firepower.
But that’s not where we are. Not now. The die is cast. The strike was made. The retaliation has begun. And the question now is not whether Iran will respond—but how far Washington is prepared to follow the path it has opened.
We’ve been here before. We’ve stood at this precipice. We’ve told ourselves it would be quick, clean, necessary. And each time, we’ve found ourselves trapped in a war without end, fighting shadows in places we barely understand, bleeding for aims we can no longer articulate.
Trump may believe this was a one-off. But history tells us that in the Middle East, there’s no such thing.
About the Author: Dr. Andrew Latham
Andrew Latham is a non-resident fellow at Defense Priorities and a professor of international relations and political theory at Macalester College in Saint Paul, MN. You can follow him on X: @aakatham.
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D-O-Y-L-E
June 23, 2025 at 6:06 pm
Donald trump today is no different from bill Clinton or george bush, all of them being numero uno ‘american bomber presidents.’
Clinton bombed the chinese embassy in belgrade with b-2 bombers, bush bombed a whole lot of nations as a result of 9/11.
Toda, in june 2025, trump has bombed iran. Earlier, he bombed yemen, one of the poorest nations in the middle east.
Next, trump’s successor will bomb china or hong kong or pyongyang in 2029.
But according to some awesome soothsayers, there would be a giant-earthquake-plus-giant-tsunami occurring off southern japan coast in july 2025.
So, will trump visit japan.
Finito for 3-5% defense sending.
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