Israel’s Dolphin-Class Submarines Summed Up in 2 Words

Key Points – Israel’s Dolphin and Dolphin-II class submarines, based on German Type 212 designs, form the backbone of its undersea capabilities.

-Initially financed in part by Germany, these diesel-electric boats are quiet and versatile, armed with ten torpedo tubes for various missions.

-The newer Dolphin-II class incorporates Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) for extended submerged endurance.

-While officially conventional, there is widespread and credible reports, supported by former US and German officials, that the submarines have been modified to carry nuclear-armed cruise missiles, providing Israel with a survivable, sea-based second-strike capability and making them a critical component of its strategic deterrence.

Israel’s Dolphin-Class Submarines in 2 Words: Nuclear Weapons?

Israel’s Dolphin and Dolphin-II are the backbone of Israel’s underwater attack capabilities and are modifications of Germany’s Type 212-class.

Shadowy vessels capable both of maritime special operations as well as anti-surface warfare, and surveillance and information collection.

The German government entirely financed the build of the first two submarines, the Dolphin and Leviathan, as part of Berlin’s post-war support to Israel following the Holocaust.

The costs of the third submarine, the Tekuma, were split between Germany and Israel. ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems, a German shipbuilding firm, built the submarines.

The impetus for the German financing was spurred by a revamp of Iraqi ballistic missiles and chemical weapons due to spotty German enforcement of the Missile Technology Control Regime, agreed to by the West German government in the late 1980s. Consequently, Israeli cities were attacked during the First Gulf War.

In addition to flak array sonars and hull-mounted sonar systems, both classes are equipped with 10 torpedo tubes, six 533mm in diameter and four larger, 650mm tubes.

While the smaller torpedo tubes fire torpedos, the larger tubes are thought to be conduits for underwater vehicles.

Dolphin-II-class

Compared to the earlier Dolphin-class, the newer Dolphin-IIs are longer, an accommodation for facilitating the submarine’s Air Independent Propulsion unit. However, one of the unknown aspects of the submarines is their enlarged sail, which accommodates ballistic missiles of an unknown type.

That enlarged sail was first seen on the Drakon, the last submarine of the Dolphin-II-class. Speculation ran rampant when images of that submarine’s sail emerged online. Was it increased volume for accosting special operations capabilities? Some sort of missile system? Something else entirely? It is possible that the engaged submarine was used as a testbed for the technologies expected in Israel’s upgraded Dakar-class submarines, the Dolphin and Dolphin-II successors, which are expected to enter service sometime in the 2030s.

Nuclear-capable Launch?

There is consistent speculation and various reports that Israel’s submarines have been refitted to carry missiles armed with nuclear weapons for the country to maintain a survivable second-strike option,” the Nuclear Threat Initiative explains.

“The German government has refused to comment on modifying the Dolphin-class submarines delivered to Israel to fit cruise missiles armed with nuclear warheads. However, German officials such as former Head of the Policy Planning Staff of the German Ministry of Defense Hans Rühle, have stated that they assumed Israel intended to equip the submarines with nuclear weapons.”

“In June 2002, former U.S. State Department and Pentagon officials confirmed that the U.S. Navy observed Israeli missile tests in the Indian Ocean in 2000, and that the Dolphin-class vessels have been fitted with nuclear-capable cruise missiles of a new design,” NTI adds. “However, the Israeli Defense Forces have consistently denied any such missile tests. Experts disagree on whether Israel adapted Harpoon cruise missiles to carry an indigenously developed nuclear warhead or if it modified the Gabriel 4LR anti-ship missile.”

The Missile Threat

The Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank, provides an explanation of the history behind the Israeli nuclear program. “Israel has one of the most technologically advanced missile arsenals in the Middle East,” it says.

“Aided by foreign assistance and collaboration over the past six decades, Israel domestically produces numerous cruise and ballistic missiles and has engaged in the export of missile systems to numerous other nations. While the bulk of Israel’s missile forces consist of shorter range, tactical systems, it also possesses a contingent of long-range ballistic missiles, the Jericho series, for strategic deterrence.”

Israel has not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, nor is it a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime. At the same time, however, Israel does not export missile technology to other countries.

“In addition to strike systems, Israel also deploys a sophisticated, layered missile defense shield, developed jointly with the United States. The collaboration between Israel’s missile and the space industries, moreover, has facilitated the domestic production of satellite launch vehicles,” the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains.

Underwater Nuclear Bombers for Israel? It Seems Pretty Likely 

Israel is the only known nuclear power in the Middle East. And nuclear capabilities aside, the country is the military heavyweight in the region. Though Israel’s undersea forces do not perhaps enjoy the same degree of recognition as its airborne or land forces, the country’s submarine forces are nonetheless a force to be reckoned with.

About the Author: Caleb Larson 

Caleb Larson is an American multiformat journalist based in Berlin, Germany. His work covers the intersection of conflict and society, focusing on American foreign policy and European security. He has reported from Germany, Russia, and the United States. Most recently, he covered the war in Ukraine, reporting extensively on the war’s shifting battle lines from Donbas and writing on the war’s civilian and humanitarian toll. Previously, he worked as a Defense Reporter for POLITICO Europe. You can follow his latest work on X.

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